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The French digital society: defining and measuring digital distance

ForewordIn 2021, the Digital Society Program of the National Agency for Territorial Cohesion (ANCT), launched a consultation for the production of a report on the state of the art of the French digital society. The Centre de Recherche pour l'Étude et l'Observation des Conditions de Vie (CRÉDOC) and the Centre de Recherche sur l'Education, les Apprentissages et la Didactique de l'Université de Rennes (CREAD), associated with the GIS M@rsouin, have been entrusted with the production of this report. For this first edition, the ANCT chose to focus on the definition of digital distance, the comparative analysis of its different measures, and the identification of the main associated factors.The purpose of this article is to summarize this work. A paradigm shift is needed to define digital distanceHistorical approachesInitially, as early as the 1990s, digital remoteness was defined through the prism of access to technologies ( technocentric approach), giving rise to the concept of the "digital divide", at a time when such access was still the prerogative of educated, urban and high-income individuals (Pasquier, 2022). Then, in the early 2000s, a skills-based approach was popularized, giving rise to the concept of "digital literacy", which testifies to the growing attention paid to the issue of digital technology usage. Digital inequalities between individuals are explained by a differential in appropriation and use induced by different skill levels (Erstad 2010).While these angles of approach can be useful in providing an overview of the spread of digital technologies and skills in society, they are only a partial way of analyzing the phenomenon of digital estrangement. This is all the more true in a French society that in recent years has seen a massive spread of THD Internet access as well as digital equipment and usage within the population (Crédoc, 2022). On the other hand, having access to digital tools and the necessary skills to use them correctly are necessary, but not sufficient, conditions for improving the day-to-day life of an individual or group. For digital technologies to be appropriated, the potential user must perceive a positive "meaning of use", i.e. a feeling of usefulness or identity (Pitaud and Deschamps, 2021).A new generation of studies has then focused on the differentiated capacities of individuals to benefit from these uses, questioning the existing links between digital skills, Internet use and concrete benefits.The concept of digital capability, or how to move away from a dichotomous vision of digital inequalitiesOver the last ten years, a new generation of studies has focused on the unequal potential of individuals to transform the opportunities (cultural, economic, social, political, etc.) offered by digital technologies into actual benefits (Ragnedda, 2017; Robinson et al., 2020a, 2020b). In this way, these works have reversed the traditional angle of approach, centered on lack (of access, of skills), to focus on the contribution of technologies for individuals. It is on this basis that the concept of " digital capability " has emerged. Capabilities are the set of actions that an individual has the power to implement, and the set of states that he or she can effectively achieve, in order to increase well-being and foster the power to act (Bacqué, 2013). This concept thus makes it possible to define digital remoteness beyond a dichotomous vision of digital inequalities (users/non-users; Internet users/non-Internet users). While the use of digital technologies is a priori likely to improve individual well-being, not all individuals are in a position to derive the same benefits from digital technologies. Indeed, various studies have shown that the enabling or disabling nature of digital technologies is in fact largely conditioned by people's living conditions (van Deursen and Helsper, 2015; van Deursen and van Dijk, 2014).The concept of digital capability now provides an interesting way of thinking about the definition of digital remoteness, based on people's ability to use digital technology to enhance their well-being and promote their power to act. How, then, can we explain these differentiated capabilities? And so, who in France can be considered digitally remote these days?Who in France are the most remote from digital technology, and why?The age factor: dispelling preconceived ideasAge is a variable often used to characterize digital alienation, with older people generally perceived as having the most difficulties with digital technologies, while, conversely, younger people are often seen as experts. However, age is by no means an explanatory factor in digital distance; at most, it is a descriptive factor.A generational effect among seniorsWhile many over-60s have gone online in recent years (Anderson and Kumar, 2019), one group stands out among seniors: the over-70s, who appear significantly less connected than the rest of the population. Thus, in 2022, 37% of people over 70 are not Internet users, compared with just 4% among people aged 60 to 69 (8% of the population as a whole, according to the Baromètre du numérique 2022). What's more, 71% of people aged 55 to 64 in 2012 were Internet users, whereas 97% of people in the same age bracket in 2022 were Internet users. In other words, today's "young retirees" are more connected than those 10 years ago. These figures highlight a generational effect, and there are several reasons for this. Firstly, seniors discovered the Internet late in life (Pasquier, 2022): 70% of them went online for the first time at the age of 70 (Crédoc, 2019). Some of them have therefore worked in professional sectors that do not require the use of digital technology (Facchini, 2021). The use of digital technologies has indeed increased significantly over the last ten years, while the over-70s have, as a rule, left the labor market before this generalization. What's more, the 70+ age group is the one with the highest number of people without any qualifications, who did not experience the massification of schooling in their youth. Without calling into question the existence of specific age-related difficulties, this analysis by year of birth qualifies them. It is possible that in the future, age will be less and less of a factor, as the generations who discovered digital tools at a later stage are gradually replaced.The myth of the digital nativesDespite using the Internet more intensively than their elders, digital use among young people does not guarantee expert use of these technologies (Cordier 2020). This observation runs counter to the idea that there are "digital natives", which conveys the idea that young people - born into a digital society, unlike older generations - have de facto mastered digital technologies, their codes and related uses. However, a large body of research shows that young people's digital skills and practices are differentiated, heterogeneous and, above all, unequal, insofar as they depend on very different social contexts (Hargittai and Hinnant, 2008; Livingstone, Bober and Helsper, 2005). For example, many young people, particularly those from low-income backgrounds, encounter difficulties in their use of digital technology, for example when searching for jobs online or completing administrative procedures, for a variety of reasons ranging from the cost of computer equipment to a lack of confidence in their ability to learn about and train with online tools (Deydier, 2018). Having become a commonplace disseminated by media discourses as a "concept-slogan" (Lardellier, 2017), the idea of "digital natives" constitutes a myth (Plantard, 2015a). Unfortunately, this still permeates collective imaginations, including those of young people themselves: some of them in fact incorporate the idea that they are supposed to be digital experts, provoking a sense of guilt in some of those who feel uncomfortable with digital tools (Cordier, 2015).Social background and level of education, key factors of understandingIn reality, it is impossible to identify those who are far removed from the digital world without taking social and cultural factors into account. Socio-economic category is a variable in digital inequality, which tends to show that people from modest backgrounds are more likely to be distant from the digital world. In other words, in line with the concept of digital capability (see above), people from privileged backgrounds are more likely to derive tangible benefits from their use of digital technologies.To explain digital distance even more precisely, other recent studies show a clear correlation between a low level of appropriation of digital technologies and a low level of cultural capital among individuals. Since the 2000s, as part of the massification of access to higher education, we have witnessed the emergence of a group of people, particularly from modest backgrounds, who have a level of university certification but are unable to find a job that corresponds to this certification. The consequence is the emergence, within modest categories, of publics sharing the same social background but differing in terms of diploma level (and therefore accumulation of cultural capital). In this context, studies have highlighted the existence of major differences in the appropriation of digital tools and practices, even within low-income groups, between individuals with diplomas and those with few or no diplomas, the latter being more marked by a digital estrangement. These studies demonstrate the central role played by people's cultural capital in terms of digital inequalities. The results of the Digital Barometer (2022) support these analyses: people with no qualifications are much less likely to be Internet users than those with at least the equivalent of a baccalaureate. The proportion of non-Internet users among the former is almost 40%, and less than 10% among the latter (and even 2% for university graduates). In short, while the interrelationship between the various factors mentioned suggests that they are often interdependent, the level of education (and, more broadly, cultural capital) appears to be a predominant factor in identifying and explaining digital distance within the French population.Socially situated digital practicesIn addition to the fact that individuals from the most advantaged social positions in society generally benefit from better quality access to digital resources, they also have a more diversified repertoire of practices (cf. educational, professional contexts, etc.) than individuals from modest backgrounds, who are more likely to use digital resources more for entertainment purposes. Moreover, the place of the written word is a determining factor in the different ways in which digital technologies are used. Indeed, low-income groups, particularly those with no formal education, distance themselves from the written word and devalue this form of exchange in favor of face-to-face interaction, even going so far as to adopt practices that circumvent the use of the written word. As a result, the digitization of administrative procedures exposes these low-income families to complex digital practices, which can exacerbate the phenomenon of non-use of the law in these environments if no alternative is offered to the digital channel.A third of the French population is not digitally literate these daysHow do you quantify digital distance?Three survey systems have been used to quantify digital remoteness in France: Insee's household survey on the use of information and communication technologies, the Capacity and Capuni surveys conducted by the GIS M@rsouin, and the Digital Barometer commissioned by the French regulatory authority for electronic communications, post and press distribution (Arcep), the Conseil général de l'économie (CGE) and, more recently, the Autorité de régulation de la communication audiovisuelle et numérique (Arcom). Conceived independently, these three surveys are based on sometimes divergent methodological biases, and offer different measures of digital remoteness. However, three main categories of indicator emerge from these surveys to measure digital distance: equipment (physical distance to digital), usage and skills. Each has a number of limitations. With regard to the equipment approach, analysis of the most recent surveys highlights the ubiquity of equipment, including Internet connections, in French society. This widespread availability limits the interest in focusing on the issue of distance from the digital world through this prism (even if difficulties of access to equipment are clearly a brake on digital practices). The usage-based approach, on the other hand, is hampered by the rapid evolution of usage possibilities as a result of the spread of new technologies, as demonstrated by the adoption of instant messaging on cell phones and video calls in recent years. Finally, the skills-based approach is traditionally based on a restrictive logic of digital distance, associated with well-defined nomenclatures that sometimes lack nuance.An alternative approach, capable of overcoming these limitations, would be to question subjective variables. For example, an individual's declared sense of competence would provide the basis for a much broader vision of the quantification of digital remoteness.Proposal to update the number of digital outsidersIn order to reflect the diversity of situations and practices, a two-stage approach to quantifying digital remoteness may be considered:In terms of usage, not being an Internet user is the primary measure of distance from the digital world. The latest edition of the Digital Barometer (2022) provides an update on this measure: 8.8% of the population aged 18 and over are currently non-Internet users in France (i.e. 4.5 million people).Next, it is proposed to use an indicator based on the ease felt in carrying out digital tasks to construct one or more groups of Internet users who are more or less distant from digital technology. This subjective measure makes it possible to describe the difficulties faced by certain populations, even though they use digital tools. In 2022, according to data from the Digital Barometer, 22.9% of Internet users (or 11.5 million people) would not feel competent in using the Internet.According to this broad approach to digital distance, 31.5% of the population aged 18 and over living in mainland France (or 16 million people) are currently digitally isolated.Digital distance, a social phenomenonAs we have just seen, while there are several definitions of digital remoteness, each representing a different dimension of the phenomenon, it is important to move away from any binary vision of inclusion and exclusion, which has the major drawback of making the diversity of situations and practices invisible. In this respect, the concept of digital capabilities (see above) is enlightening, as it focuses on the ability of individuals to benefit from digital technologies. Moreover, this vision, which is better able to take into account the contexts in which the various forms of digital remoteness take place, enables us to put the issue of digital inclusion back on its social footing, since the enabling or disabling nature of digital technologies is in reality largely conditioned by people's living conditions. In particular, we need to take better account of people's cultural capital (particularly their level of education) and digital capital, which analysis shows to be central both to their relationship with technology and to the development of differentiated digital practices. With this in mind, it is also important to relativize the relevance of an overly general assessment of the number of people who have lost touch with the digital world. In fact, rather than looking for a precise figure for the number of digital outsiders, which seems meaningless, it would be preferable to represent the phenomenon in the form of a halo, enabling us to consider individuals as more or less remote from the digital world, depending on their subjective needs and expectations.Thus, digital distance can no longer be considered as a simple technical or quantitative issue : it is primarily a social phenomenon. Taking this phenomenon into account in its complexity and heterogeneity opens up important perspectives for the construction of digital inclusion policies that are differentiated according to the public and the territories.

• Inclusion

• Large surveys

Published on 26/04/23



Digital Barometer 2023: the main results

New technologies anchored in French daily lifeAccording to this latest edition of the Digital Barometer, conducted by Arcep, Arcom, CGE and ANCT, digital equipment and uses are now part of people's daily lives.Nine out of ten people are Internet users, and 82% of the population aged 12 and over living in mainland France connect to the Internet every day. The Internet has also become an integral part of French life: 64% of people aged 70 and over are now Internet users. Home Internet connections via fiber optics are continuing the boom begun five years ago, with an 11-point increase in one year. By 2023, 67% of people with fixed home Internet access will be connected by fiber or cable. When a household has not taken out a fiber subscription, the lack of a network connection is the most frequently cited reason (39%), followed by a lack of interest (26%).The appeal of a fast connection is not confined to the home, and also concerns nomadic connections. 78% of French people are equipped with a smartphone capable of accessing the 4G network, and 31% the 5G network. In this respect, age is a decisive factor: 41% of 18-24 year-olds and 42% of 25-39 year-olds are equipped with a smartphone capable of accessing 5G, but only 22% of 60-69 year-olds and 16% of those aged 70 and over. Today, the smartphone is the most frequently used device for connecting to the Internet (48% of French people) in 2023.Another sign of the population's infatuation with digital technology is the gradual penetration of connected speakers into the home. Nearly three out of ten French people are now equipped with a connected loudspeaker, representing a strong increase since 2019 (+20 points).The French are also showing a certain level of interest in the deployment of recent innovations. Seven out of ten French people have already heard of artificial intelligence tools such as ChatGPT, Google Bard, Midjourney or Dall-E: 38% know what these tools are, and 20% have already tried them out. For the time being, this experimentation has taken place more in a private context (16%) than in a professional or educational context (12%). Certain target groups are quick to adopt these tools. 43% of 18-24 year-olds have used them in their private lives, and 31% of managers and professionals in their professional lives. Professional and educational uses are also undergoing new mutations. 28% of working people and students use a collaborative office platform or suite, 10% artificial intelligence, virtual/augmented reality or blockchain systems, and 9% a chat bot.Collaborative platforms or office suites are cited more often by 18-24 year-olds (43%), 25-39 year-olds (36%), university graduates (42%), people living in the Paris area (36%), those in work or studying, and high-income earners (37%). Editorial media continue their digital transitionMore than two-thirds of French people (68%) now have a TV set connected to the Internet, a rate that falls sharply among the elderly (44% among the over-70s) and the uneducated (37%). Just under half of those concerned (30% of French people) use just one mode of connection - mostly the box of an Internet service provider - while 38% report several modes of connection. The latter are characterized by a more male profile, higher education graduates, CSP+ and residents of large conurbations. Multi-connected profiles show more sustained and diversified usage: more of them use subscription video-on-demand services as well as TV channel applications or services such as YouTube, in addition to watching live TV. As a result, they report greater ease of access to channels and services on their connected TV set (for 90% of them, compared with 85% on average), while certain categories of the population, such as people with a single connection mode and retirees, show less ease of navigation. When it comes to audio content, the terrestrial network still predominates. Among the 75% of the French population who consume audio content (podcasts or music, live or on-demand, with or without subscription), a majority (58%) are still primarily loyal to their radio/radio. However, Internet listening is now widespread, with 42% of listeners reporting that they listen to audio content via the Internet, whether most often via the Internet (26%) or as often via terrestrial or IP (16%). With regard more specifically to DAB+ digital terrestrial radio, which is still being rolled out in France, a third (33%) of audio content consumers have already heard of this reception mode (including 13% who say they can describe exactly what it is), i.e. 28% of the French population. Awareness of this new technology - as well as the rate of equipment - is notably higher among technophile audiences (men, young people, people living in the Paris region, CSP+). Health, community involvement, information... eight out of ten people consider the Internet to be important for their integration into society.French interest in the use of digital technologies for healthcare purposes continues, even after the height of the Covid-19 pandemic. In 2023, 49% of the Internet-using population sought information about their health or that of a loved one on the Internet. This level is close to that observed before the pandemic (50% in 2018), and other uses have progressed.Controlling one's health via the internet and digital technologies is thus far more common than before the pandemic: 24%, +16 points compared to 2018. A third of the population would be ready to take this step in the future.The transmission of health information to one's doctor is also becoming more widespread: 32% of French people did so in 2023, compared with just 9% in 2018. In five years, reluctance on the subject has faded. Only 18% of the population do not consider themselves ready to transmit health information to their doctor via the Internet, compared with 42% in 2018. Another sign of the use of digital technologies in healthcare is that 38% of the population already manage their own or their children's health online. 25% do not yet do so, but would be prepared to do so in the future. However, the over-sixties are more reserved about using digital technology for health matters. In the associative sphere, digital tools also occupy an important place. 55% of those surveyed believe that the Internet is a good tool for contributing to associative life. And, in fact, 68% of association members use digital tools for this purpose. The Internet is also massively used to obtain information from the print media: 71% of people have read articles in the digital press in the last twelve months. As with reading the press in paper format, this practice is also differentiated by level of qualification. 46% of graduates have read press articles in digital format in the last twelve months, compared to 83% of university graduates. While 65% of the population say they consult online articles available free of charge, 31% of the population pay for a subscription to one or more press titles, buy articles or issues, or have a subscription to a newsstand such as Cafeyn or ePress.In many cases (40%), readers of the digital version are also buyers of the paper version. Moreover, 44% of digital press readers say that price is the main factor motivating their choice of a digital rather than a paper offer. 63% of respondents see digital technology as a tool that makes their daily lives easier. 22% consider that this technology has no impact on their daily lives, and finally only 13% think that digital technology complicates their daily lives.All in all, the spread of the internet and, more generally, of digital technology in all aspects of French life makes it an essential space for social integration. 78% of French people believe it is important to have access to the internet to feel integrated into society (+13 points compared to 2016 and +24 points compared to 2009). A more participative Internet: one French person in two has given an opinion, an assessment or a comment, a figure that has doubled in eight years.The advent of the so-called "2.0" web, fueled by the participation of everyone, is obvious. The use of social networks is particularly widespread: 78% of the population visit them, even if only rarely, and 38% of French people even log on several times a day. Social networks continue to infiltrate all aspects of daily life, whether for leisure, communication, information or work. 54% of French people use them to share photos or videos with loved ones (versus 31% in 2012). 36% even use them to share opinions, photos and videos in a public way, making tangible the web's long-heralded role as a renewed public square.In the eight years since the last measurement, social networks have become a form of interface in a variety of fields, with digital entertainment at the top of the list. 63% say they use Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube, TikTok and others for entertainment. Today, they also play a major role in the circulation of information: more than one French person in two obtains information through them. They remain a preferred means of keeping in touch with friends and family (63% of the population). The 25-39 age group are the most frequent users of online networks. Another sign of this participative Internet is that half the population (50%) has given a rating, an evaluation or left a comment on the Internet about a product they've bought or a service they've used. This is twice as many as in 2015, when only a quarter (26%) of the population were involved. The 18-59 age group is particularly active in this area. At the same time, 60% consulted reviews on the internet, +11 points compared to 2015.A feeling of lack of control is still the main barrier to digital useWhile 55% of French people believe they face no particular obstacles when using digital tools in their daily lives (+3 points on 2022), a number of obstacles remain, notably the feeling of not having mastered the technology, which still concerns a quarter of the total population (25%; +7 points on 2020), poor equipment (13%) or even non-equipment (10%), or connection difficulties (9%).When they do face difficulties, the French stop or abandon their use of digital tools less often than before: 5% in 2023 versus 8% in 2018. What's more, French people in difficulty tend to seek help from those close to them. Indeed, 26% seek help from friends and family in the event of digital difficulties, and 28% believe that turning to their circle of friends and family is the best way to improve their digital skills. What's more, since the Covid-19 health crisis, the French have developed a certain autonomy with regard to digital technology. In the event of difficulties, 39% of the population seek to manage on their own, and 27% believe that self-training on the Internet would enable them to improve their digital skills. It should be noted, however, that this trend is primarily driven by people who are already comfortable with digital technology and education, such as university graduates. Encountering difficulties remains a factor limiting digital use. Half of the population (50%) limit their use of digital technology. While the price of equipment and subscriptions is the main obstacle cited by 22% of French people, it is directly followed by a feeling of lack of control (18%). In addition, 13% of the French population mention their disinterest and 11% their rejection of digital technology. It's interesting to link these last two results to the fact that over a third of French people say that digital technology has no effect or complicates their daily lives (35%). Cyber-malware hinders the digitization of society However, the increasing "digitization" of society is not entirely without its problems. The rise of digital uses also goes hand in hand with an increase in exposure to online scams, insults and harassment. 12% of French people have been victims of cyber-violence in the last twelve months, such as online insults, harassment or defamation, and 21% have been victims of online scams or fraud. Because they are more present on the web, or because they are particularly sensitive to any form of abuse (Berhuet et al, 2023), young people declare that they are much more often the target of such malice: 39% of 18-24 year-olds and 21% of 25-39 year-olds have been the victim at least once of insults, harassment or defamation online. Similarly, 41% of 18-24 year-olds and 26% of 25-39 year-olds say they have been the victim of online scams or fraud. On the subject of working life, 36% of employed people believe that digital tools are used by their employer to monitor them. Once again, young people are the most suspicious in this respect. Despite the rise in these risks, only 39% of French people are aware of a reporting system set up by the public authorities to report illicit content (such as Pharos, for example). More specifically, on social networks and video-sharing platforms, more than 4 out of 10 users (43%) say they have already used a tool to report inappropriate accounts or content. These tools are particularly popular with young adults (84% of 18-24 year-olds).More broadly speaking, there are still educational issues to be addressed when it comes to understanding the rules applicable on social networks and video-sharing platforms: 47% of users have already consulted their general terms and conditions (GTC) at least once, and of these, almost half (47%) consider them to be "easily understandable", with a fairly marked age effect (56% understanding among 18-24 year-olds who have consulted the GTC, versus 37% among 60-69 year-olds).A still vague environmental awarenessOn a completely different note, digital environmental awareness is still in its infancy among the general public, and the most effective uses are not yet the best identified.For people with Internet access at home, sorting and cleaning their mailbox (42%), not leaving their digital equipment(smartphone, computer, tablet, etc.) on charge all night (39%) and increasing the lifespan of digital devices(smartphone, computer, tablet, TV, etc.) by taking care of them, having them repaired, etc. (38%) are among the most effective ways of reducing the environmental footprint of digital technology. Increasing the lifespan of digital devices is one of the priority uses identified by ADEME and Arcep, unlike the other two (sorting emails, not leaving equipment on charge at night), which are less far-reaching. Of the three main uses cited, only one is likely to have a significant impact on the environmental footprint of digital technology. In this respect, almost one person in two with a fixed Internet connection has unused digital equipment in their household. Between 2022 and 2023, the total number of digital devices owned remains very similar: 10 devices (phones, TVs, computers, consoles, tablets, connected watches or bracelets...) are owned on average. Cell phones or smartphones (3 inmates on average), and televisions (2 inmates) are the most frequently owned equipment, along with laptops or desktop computers (2 inmates). On average, 2.4 of these items will not be used in 2023 (compared with 2.6 in 2022). Cell phones or smartphones (0.6) and televisions (0.5) top the list of unused equipment.However, the proportion of the population personally owning a second-hand or reconditioned smartphone is increasing significantly: 19% in 2023 compared with 17% a year earlier. However, the purchase of a reconditioned smartphone for environmental reasons is marginal: 10% of the population have already bought a smartphone for themselves, and just as many (10%) for another person. Price is a much more attractive criterion for buying a refurbished smartphone , especially when it's for one's own use (23%) rather than someone else's (17%). Young people are the most likely to choose a refurbished smartphone with a view to preserving the environment: 33% of 18-24 year-olds have a refurbished smartphone , compared with 18% of 40-59 year-olds. A benchmark study led by Arcep, CGE, Arcom and ANCTInitiated in 2000, the objectives of this study are to:measure the adoption of digital equipment by the French and study digital practices;detect inequalities in access and skills, whether voluntary or involuntary;enable public authorities to anticipate major trends and implement a policy that encourages everyone to embrace digital technology.In 2023, the survey was carried out in July 2023 among 4,267 people aged 12 and over. The results are based on different samples and collection methods, which have been combined to provide a representation of French society aged 12 and over: questions were included in the CREDOC survey on living conditions and aspirations of the French conducted online in July 2023 among 3,448 people aged 18 and over living in mainland France; This survey was supplemented by two specific tools: an online survey of 218 young people aged 12 to 17; and a telephone survey of 601 people aged 18 and over who do not have a fixed Internet connection at home. Open dataAll survey data since 2007 is available as open data on the website data.gouv.fr.

• Data

• Large surveys

Published on 14/05/24